Shelves: 20th-century , fiction , historical-detective , italian , german , world-war-2 Every now and then you read a book and realise that you are privileged to be handling a masterpiece, a book that has somehow managed to touch on an aspect of humanity that can resonate across time. I know that there will be some who will be baffled at my words and will be unable to see what it is that I experienced but, for me, this was a book that caught a time and place, and emotions, that I could truly identify with. Initially it was a different Every now and then you read a book and realise that you are privileged to be handling a masterpiece, a book that has somehow managed to touch on an aspect of humanity that can resonate across time. Initially it was a different read, almost episodic in the way that I realised, at some stage that it was a sort of countdown. This is a record of the final months of the German occupation of Rome, from just before the landings at Anzio to the German abandonment of the city to the Americans.
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This is not a slogan of the Indignants movement, nor a motto of some no global caucus. An unlikely currency, technically self-destructive and born to separated parents, keen on simulating a non-existent unity, with questionable results. Many angles can be chosen to evaluate causes and effects of this hazardous geopolitical endeavor. But probably no observing platform is better than Italy. For despite appearances, Italy has never been so powerful, its strength being its contagious weakness.
But this is still not enough to project Italy at the center of the European and Western pandemic, that threatens to spread worldwide. But the Japanese and the Americans happen not to be part of the Euro, whose long journey began in Rome in and in the Eternal City could come to a premature end. If Germany and to a lesser extent France are apparently spared by the threat of sovereign defaults, no one can actually rule out such a scenario for Italy. But if Italy fails, the Euro itself is doomed. To avert such an Armageddon, Rome must be saved.
The world looks at Italy with sternness. To the most sympathetic ones, the country appears like a sweet land with a lose state and an abundance of mafias. A land used to prosper on protectionism, competitive devaluations at least before the Euro and tax evasion.
According to Morgan Stanley, the Belpaese sits on an estimated private wealth of 8,6 trillion euros: Eur thousands per household 4. On average, Italians are rich — the richest among industrialized societies. But they got indebted for 1,9 trillion euros. How can you trust such a pleasure-loving but irresponsible people? Either, it must be banned from the single currency. How did Italy get to this point?
Basically, through self-denial. Italy co-founded Europe hoping it would turn out to be the opposite of its own not-so-efficient state. But this choice was never put under real scrutiny before the current crisis. Italians — both elites and public opinion — got used to see their national and European goals as ones. Not differently from Brussels, but maybe more earnestly, the Italian establishment promoted a vision of Europe as something inherently good.
In doing so, the EU and its currency ceased to be an option, just to become a historical necessity. But giving up sovereignty and escaping from reality in the name of a European religion brings about the risk of irresponsibility.
Now Europe and the world want Italy to be responsible, reliable, mature. This forces Italians to equip themselves with a strategic mentality based on facts, rather than on a failed myth. Worse: it has seventeen pseudo-sovereigns, with different often antithetical economies, cultures, societies and political systems, squeezed in what is hardly an optimum currency area.
Decades of Euro-rhetoric have not produced a plausible argument for giving Estonians, Cypriots, Greeks, Italians, Luxembourgers and others a common currency. Should we infer that the Euro was an act of collective folly? Not really. For each and every actor involved in it had its own reasons. France, Italy and most of the original twelve participants, conceived the single currency as a means to force Germany into sacrificing the Deutsche Mark and the Bundesbank on the altar of European integration.
Maastricht is Versailles revisited: a treaty meant to punish Germany. This time for sweeping away the iron curtain, pushing the EEC into the darkest of its nights. In exchange, it got the infamous budget criteria, quite absurd and all but binding. Mission unaccomplished.
That mood was clear: back then, the Germans did not want to give up their national currency. Especially the German one. The Euro-core project is inherently anti-Italian and anti-Mediterranean. Finally, it counteracts the Anglo-American strategy of neutering the EU by pushing for its enlargement.
Germany would now like to achieve, via the Euro-disaster, what it failed to get in the mid-Nineties, when Italy and Spain sneaked in: a Neuro, that is a Euro-Deutschemark just for Germany, Austria, France, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Finland and maybe a few more, but without Rome and Madrid. The good Europeanist always hides his cards. Ideas of Europe or its lack thereof almost always reflect the options put out not by the EU Commission or the EU Parliament, but by the leaders of the major member states, Germany above all.
The pro-European ideology just disregards the people. Hence, the suspension of democracy in the name of emergency or the rise of Europhobic and possibly xenophobic leaders in the heart of the Old Continent could be just a few steps away. There is an ongoing virtual war in the Eurozone, fought with seemingly non-lethal weapons that nevertheless spread despair in the heart of our less and less cohesive societies.
Quite impossible. Arguably, the Eurozone would also split at least in two. The Neuro Northern euro would be born, and it may give birth to a federation. Beware Italy. The country is at a crossroads. Both ways look narrow and with high burdens. That would end up in a plundered, humiliated country, torn by social unrest, secessionist and authoritarian compulsions. That strategy may unfold in three concentric circles The first would be getting ready to do what it takes to stay in the Euro, that is subverting the Neuro.
Italy could start with a serious tax increase for the rich and by taking back the vast parts of its territory currently in the hands of organized crime. The second would be aimed at protecting the ECB from itself. The Eurotower shall not sink with the Euro just for the sake of German orthodoxy. The costs of financial austerity have to be balanced by the ECB guarantee on Eurozone banks and sovereign debts. The institution has to become a lender of last resort — a move that, together with the zero setting of the rates, would give the continental economies that also absorb the bulk of German exports new steam.
The third would be working for a European Confederation EC , a transnational democratic state, as opposed to the current EU. One cannot have Europe without any of them. The outlook for this plan looks daunting, but the alternative for the Italians and other Europeans is an assured financial crack, structural impoverishment and social chaos — which is often followed by illiberal drifts.
Roma Kaputt Mundi
Europa kaputt mundi
Roma kaputt mundi
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